By Stephen Crystal PhD, Dennis Shea PhD
Top students concentrate on the economics of getting older, with a selected emphasis at the monetary way forward for the infant growth iteration. Key subject matters comprise the effect of early benefits on later-life fiscal results (the cumulative advantage/cumulative drawback hypothesis); the connection among inequalities in financial prestige and inequalities in health and wellbeing prestige and entry to future health care; and the implications of societal offerings pertaining to retirement source of revenue platforms and rules for financing acute and long term health and wellbeing care. participants contain Angela O'Rand, Edward Wolf, Edward Whitehouse, and James Smith.
Read or Download Annual Review of Gerontology and Geriatrics, Volume 22, 2002: Economic Outcomes in Later Life: Public Policy, Health and Cumulative Advantage PDF
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Additional info for Annual Review of Gerontology and Geriatrics, Volume 22, 2002: Economic Outcomes in Later Life: Public Policy, Health and Cumulative Advantage
Example text
Time-clocks also regulate the work career through underlying mechanisms of tenure, promotion regimes, employee benefit eligibility, and retirement schedules (Henretta, 1992). A recent study of the multiple clocks of the working life-course directly examines the complexities of this process. Han and Moen (1999) study the individual and organizational careers of workers in a region in New York State. Using sequence analysis they monitor the multiple clocks that regulate workers' 24 O'RAND lives. Individual work histories and organizational careers intersect in workers' lives and differentiate their fortunes and the timing of the end of their careers.
Race also lends itself to this argument. Race and educational origins allocate individuals across formative contexts, including marriage markets where assortative mating drives patterns of family formation, labor markets where educational credentials and skin color inform the assignment to jobs with variable wage and benefit structures, and health service markets where health insurance coverage and healthcare delivery range between extraordinary formal care and limited (emergency) or non-existent health care, except for informal caregiving by family members.
Several studies have documented changes in pension coverage in the United States, particularly the decline in DB pension coverage among workers over the last two decades. Kotlikoff and Smith (1983) showed that the proportion of United States private-wage and salary workers covered by pensions more than doubled between 1950 and 1979. Bloom and Freeman (1992), using Current Population Surveys (CPS) for 1979 and 1988, were among the first to call attention to the decline in DB pension coverage. They reported that the percentage of all workers in age group 25-64 covered by these plans fell from 63% to 57% over this period.
